Florida's Social Studies Curriculum and Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Incorporated.

Minimal media attention was afforded the decision made by Alpha Phi Alpha, Fraternity Incorporated, the oldest Black collegiate fraternity in the United States, to relocate its 2025 convention out of Florida because of that state’s “hostile” policies to African Americans.  The fraternity’s Board of Directors decided that it could no longer bring its 99th General Convention and the $4.6 million economic impact projected from the gathering to Orlando after revelation of Florida’s new K-12 social studies curriculum that grossly distorts African American history.  The assault on accurate and inclusive accounts of United States history was only the latest issue that gave the organization pause.  Florida’s discriminatory policies with respect to voting and diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives also played a role in leading fraternity leaders to boycott the Orange State.

Leading historians of the Black experience in the United States including Tera Hunter and Albert Broussard have found much of Florida’s curriculum to be problematic and ahistorical with respect to Black history.  For example, a unit on slavery asserts that “slaves developed skills, which, in some instances, could be applied for their personal benefit,” ignoring the fact that Africans were skilled before they were enslaved.  Suggesting that slavery had any redeeming qualities serves to rationalize the peculiar institution as a “positive good.”  The curriculum section on Black communities after Reconstruction instructs educators to teach students about “violence perpetrated against and by African Americans” during race massacres such as the 1906 Atlanta Race Riot and the 1921 Tulsa Massacre.  In reality, white people started and led race riots throughout the twentieth century out of anger about Black prosperity and voting rights.  The “both sides” argument of the curriculum serves to minimize or explain away white racism.

Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Incorporated refused to remain silent and be party to Florida’s dangerous lies that ignore our nation’s history of systemic racism and racial violence because of their founders’ vision and the group’s long history of social action.  The organization was founded on December 4, 1906, at Cornell University by seven college-educated Black men who faced racism and isolation at the Ivy League institution.  Years after the founding, Henry Arthur Callis, one of the fraternity founders, explained that the organization “was born in the shadows of slavery, on the lap of disenfranchisement.  We proposed to foster scholarship and excellence among students; to bring leadership and vision to the social problems of our communities and nation; to fight with courage and self-sacrifice every bar to the democratic way of life.”  Thus, the organization’s mission required leaders to move the 2025 convention despite possibly incurring financial costs from breaking hotel contracts. Dr. Everett Ward, the 35th General President of the fraternity, in explaining his organization’s decision, asserted that “DeSantis’s actions have longer implications than a 4-day convention.”

Since its founding, Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Incorporated has been in the vanguard of securing and protecting the citizenship rights of African Americans.  For example, throughout the 1920s, the fraternity donated funds to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to support passage of a federal antilynching law.  From 1935 until 1938, Alpha Phi Alpha paid the tuition and fees of Donald Murray, a black man who successfully sued for admission and desegregated the University of Maryland’s Law School.  In 1939, the organization threatened a boycott of the New York World’s Fair if the event’s organizers did not provide African Americans with equal employment opportunities.  During the Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1955-1956, Alphas donated nearly $5,000 to support desegregation of city buses.  More recently, the fraternity has decried efforts by the federal government to house suspected terrorists in places abroad where due process does not exist and torture is condoned. 

The recent action taken to oppose Florida’s hostility to African Americans is one that the fraternity has pursued before.  In 2010, Alpha Phi Alpha moved its convention out of Phoenix, Arizona, after Arizona’s legislature passed laws discriminating against Hispanics.

Alpha Phi Alpha’s concern about inaccurate accounts of history that downplay the role of racism in United State is not surprising given the fraternity’s long and illustrious membership that includes several renowned historians of African American history.  Members of the organization include W.E.B. Du Bois, the first African American to earn a Ph.D. from Harvard, which he earned in History in 1895 and Rayford Logan, another Harvard History Ph.D., who chaired the Department of History at Howard University and coined the phrase “nadir of American race relations” to describe post-Reconstruction America.  Other Alphas who are also trained historians who have shaped our understanding of the past include Charles Harris Wesley, John Hope Franklin, Robert L. Harris, Jr., Stefan Bradley, Reginald Ellis, and Jarvis Givens


The fraternity’s decision to move its national convention demonstrates the seriousness and urgency of ensuring that children in K-12 schools receive a quality education that prepares them to understand, confront, and solve our nation’s ongoing problems including racial disparities in education, healthcare, and the criminal justice system. It remains to be seen if other organizations will follow the Alphas’ lead and take their revenues elsewhere in defense of Black history.   The Association for the Study of African American Life and History has taken a different approach by going into the belly of the beast and holding a national meeting about Black History in Jacksonville, Florida.  Whether resisting by withholding revenues or holding teach-ins, it is imperative that Florida officials are not allowed to rewrite history and ignore the ugly and uncomfortable truths about our nation’s past.

Black Women and Head Start in Mississippi's Post-1964 Freedom Struggle

March is the month of the year dedicated to recognizing women whose contributions to society too often go unnoticed.  In honor of Women’s History Month, I use this space to acknowledge the activism and leadership of working-class black women in Mississippi who transformed a federal early childhood education program into an opportunity to challenge white supremacy in “the most southern place on Earth.” Over the last two years, there have been many commemorations celebrating passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act.  While these pieces of legislation were crowning achievements of the African American freedom struggle, black Mississippians kept their hands on the freedom plow.  They did so because rather than desegregate public facilities as the 1964 civil rights bill mandated, many business owners in Mississippi simply closed their doors.  AFTER Congress passed the 1965 Voting Rights Act and federal voter registrars came into the South, white supremacists killed Vernon Dahmer in 1966.  Dahmer was a black man from Hattiesburg who had the audacity to encourage African Americans to register to vote.

Black women in Mississippi understood all too well that civil rights legislation alone could not improve their lot.  Many of them turned to Project Head Start, an early childhood education program created in 1965 as part of the War on Poverty.  These women created the largest inaugural Head Start program in the nation, the Child Development Group of Mississippi (CDGM), and used CDGM to improve their lives and the lives of their children.  CDGM operated from 1965 until 1968 and employed more than 2,500 black women.  Head Start did not originally require its teachers to have formal teaching credentials.  Thus, black women who had previously worked as domestics or are agricultural workers earning $3 per day chopping cotton began making $75 per week as Head Start teachers.  These jobs bettered their standard of living and gave them the financial freedom to continue their civil rights organizing. 

For example, Mrs. Hattie Saffold secured CDGM employment and then enrolled her daughter in the previously all-white elementary school in Durant, MS.  Segregationists attempted to intimidate Mrs. Saffold by posting her name on fliers around town, but she would not be moved.  She did not worry about job termination because she was employed by the federal Head Start program.  Mrs. Alice Giles of Indianola also found that Head Start gave her greater financial freedom to agitate.  Klansmen had already bombed the Giles’ property in May of 1965 because of the family’s civil rights work, but Mrs. Giles remained undeterred.  As a Head Start teacher, she took one of her sick students to a medical doctor’s office and sat in the white waiting room.  On that hot summer day in 1965, she taught her student that he had a right and a responsibility to challenge segregation.  Stories abound of CDGM women using the financial freedom of Head Start employment to challenge racial segregation and black disfranchisement.

The Head Start program allowed black women to give their children quality educational opportunities, healthcare, and nutritious meals.  As one mother explained, “CDGM is something that our children have never had before.  We are a race of people who never had anything for our children except standing around at the end of cotton fields.’’  CDGM was a chance for mothers to give their children a head start, a healthy start, and a fair start in life.  Many black children saw medical doctors for the first time and had two hot and balanced meals throughout the week.

Not everyone celebrated CDGM's successes and connection to the movement.  The white power structure worked tirelessly to defund the program.  If you want to learn more about CDGM women and the opposition they faced from segregationists, pick up a copy of A Chance for Change: Head Start and Mississippi’s Black Freedom Struggle.

Staff at the Porterville CDGM Center

Staff at the Porterville CDGM Center